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“Lack of building codes and land-use planning is killing this country,” Long said. “The built environment probably causes a third of the flooding we’ve seen in the last year. Because local officials never win by saying, ‘I would love to pass building codes.’”

The collapse of the Puerto Rican electrical grid during Hurricane Maria was a particularly dramatic demonstration of another problem: Much of the nation’s infrastructure is crumbling and ill-maintained, from roads and bridges to dams and water systems.

“Is it FEMA’s job to make sure that infrastructure around this country is maintained? Is it?” Long said. “It’s the whole community’s response.”

What happens if state and local governments don’t do that crucial mitigation work? Then it becomes FEMA’s problem, by default though often not by any sort of rational design. Successful disaster management requires coordination and contribution from state, local, and federal government as well as the private sector. But when one or more of those actors can’t or won’t contribute—whether due to lack of resources or incompetence or disinterest—FEMA ends up holding the bag.

The question, Long said, becomes this: “What do you want me to be good at?” Puerto Rico’s economy needs rebuilding. FEMA happens to be the agency that has piles of money to spend, but it’s probably not the best-situated to help. In effect, Long found himself in charge of a large portion of the island’s economy, quickly becoming the largest single employer in Puerto Rico. “Emergency managers are never taught how to generate sales tax revenue in a community that’s been devastated by storms,” he said. [[rearranged to try to make this flow better—does it work?]]

The mismatch between expertise and duties also applies to the electrical system. The failure to modernize Puerto Rico’s grid before the storm is water under the bridge, or over the power lines, but now someone has to fix it. But who? And who should take charge of housing Puerto Ricans whose homes were destroyed or rendered uninhabitable?

“I’m not the Federal Electricity Management Agency,” Long said. “It’s not that the Department of Energy doesn’t want to do it. They don’t have the budget or legislative authority to do it. I’m also not a housing expert, but we’ve arranged 5 million nights in hotels.”

Arguments like this from Long might come off as self-serving justifications, given the criticism of the federal response to Maria as far too slow and far too little, given the scale of the devastation. But his perspective, from the idea of “whole-community” response to the disparate duties foisted on emergency managers, echoes that of Craig Fugate, whose stewardship of FEMA during the Obama administration won praise. When they’re forced to do so, emergency managers will try to fill gaps left by other governmental bodies. If the results aren’t great, maybe the question shouldn’t be why FEMA didn’t do the job better, but why FEMA was doing it in the first place.

David A. Graham is a staff writer at The Atlantic, where he covers U.S. politics and global news.

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